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The editors and authors of this Handbook of Alcoholism Treatment Approaches
set themselves the task of comparing the variety of treatment approaches in
the alcoholism field to see which ones are more effective than others.
Toward this end, they excluded studies that consist basically of anecdotal
evidence and included only studies that used a control or comparison group
-- the same basic method used in all scientific research. They reviewed some
211 published studies meeting this criterion. Their conclusion is one that
ought to shake the treatment industry to its foundations: the substance
abuse treatment methods that are in the most widespread use today are those
for which there is the least scientific evidence of effectiveness. The
dominant treatment paradigm has little or no scientific basis and there is
much evidence that its most important product is failure. If someone set out
to design a system to be as ineffective as possible, it would closely
resemble what we have today.
This is an important book worth reading cover to
cover. In this review I want first to outline the content of the work,
to give the general reader an idea of its findings and arguments. In the
second section I will try briefly to draw some lessons from the work for
the theory and practice of our alternative self-help recovery
organization.
The authors classify the variety of current
treatment approaches into eleven broad types. Based on the outcomes of
the published controlled studies, they rank these modalities from the
most effective to the least effective as follows:
Methods that have consistently positive or mixed
but predominantly positive outcome studies: brief intervention;
broad-spectrum skills training; marital/family therapy;
cognitive-behavioral methods, and aversion therapies.
Methods with equivocal results: Antabuse and
psychoactive drugs.
Methods with consistently or predominantly
negative outcome studies: Psychotherapies. Confrontational methods.
And finally, lowest on the ladder of
scientifically demonstrated effectiveness, the so-called standard
methods used almost universally in the US treatment industry. The
standard approach used in the US treatment industry is the "Minnesota
Model." This "generic" approach consists of the 12 Steps of Alcoholics
Anonymous augmented by group psychotherapy, educational lectures and
films, and counseling, frequently of a confrontational nature.
Controlled studies of this approach almost universally fail to find
any advantage over untreated or alternatively treated groups. Yet this
approach is unquestionably the foundation of the standard treatment
model in the United States.
As the authors note, in the US treatment industry
today there is an enormous gap between science and practice. If one had
deliberately designed the treatment industry to be as ineffective as
possible, one would have created the present system.
The conclusion the authors draw from their survey of
different treatment methods is that no one approach -- least of all the
dominant Minnesota Model -- is likely to be effective for most
alcoholics. The basic assumption of the dominant paradigm, that all
alcoholics should be treated the same way, is fundamentally flawed. The
authors' objective is to move treatment away from a single model,
"operating as if it were the only complete and accurate understanding of
alcohol problems and their etiology," toward "a range of effective
alternatives." (p. 8). They wish to present the clinician, and thus
ultimately the patient, with "a variety of promising tools to use in
working with different types of alcohol problems and individuals." (p.
8).
The editors call their strategy "informed
eclecticism." Informed eclecticism seeks a position beyond the hollow
dogmatism that only one method works, and also beyond the naïve optimism
that everything works equally well. The clinician's attitude should be
one of openness to a variety of approaches, guided by scientific
evidence. Four principles are basic to informed eclecticism:
(1) No single approach to treatment is superior for
all individuals. The "state of the art" is not a single method, but "an
array of empirically supported treatment options."
(2) Treatment programs should offer a variety of
different treatment approaches. The program should have a menu of
options.
(3) Different types of people respond best to
different approaches.
(4) The art of the clinician lies in matching the
right treatment to the right patient the first time around. Doing so
increases efficacy, avoids waste, and improves staff morale.
The authors are keenly aware that there are many
obstacles in the way of their approach. Existing treatment programs show
almost no real variety and alternatives are almost absent. They write
that their own community (Albuquerque) has more than 50 different
programs, but most of them are "virtual carbon copies of one another."
(p. 9). Clear criteria for distinguishing among types of patients and
for matching treatment to patient remain to be developed. Irrational
motives, economic forces, and institutional inertia often override the
patient's best interest. People doing intake and patient evaluation are
often the least trained staff members, and frequently have blinding
biases toward the particular approach that worked for them.
The client's welfare ought to be the overriding
criterion. "It is clear that inappropriately matched clients can be
harmed, faring worse than if they had received no treatment at all.
Individuals matched to the right treatment the first time can be spared
years of needless suffering and impairment. A common concern for those
who suffer from alcohol problems should, in the end, be the most
persuasive ground for agreement and cooperation toward a comprehensive
system of informed eclecticism." (p. 10)
After the groundbreaking introductory chapters, the
Hester/Miller handbook settles down and presents what amounts to a
training manual for clinicians, from screening methods and intake
procedures through the various supported modalities of treatment and
ending with post-treatment follow-up and evaluation. Here are some of
the highlights that caught my eye.
The chapter on evaluation of alcohol problems by
Miller, Westerberg & Waldron examines some of the basic measurement
technology used in the treatment industry and finds it wanting. The
authors remark that a diagnosis of "alcoholism" was once considered
sufficient to commence treatment. But now "a more complex contemporary
understanding has evolved" which sees many degrees and shades of alcohol
problems. Specific tests have evolved to detect and measure these
varieties. However, those instruments that have scientific evidence to
support their efficacy are very little used, whereas the tests and
checklists in common use have little or no scientific underpinnings.
Like diagnosis, evaluation of program efficacy is
rarely done in a conscientious manner, or at all. When outcomes are
studied, it is sometimes found that programs believed to be effective
actually increase rather than decrease the problem. Outcome studies also
torpedoed another cherished belief of the treatment industry, namely
that expensive inpatient care is more effective than the much cheaper
outpatient treatment (p. 81). Indeed, the editors consistently found an
inverse correlation between treatment cost and evidence of efficacy (p.
13).
The authors are too polite to say so but one
conclusion that can be drawn from this chapter is that the standard
model of alcoholism treatment in this country operates basically with
its eyes closed. It knows neither what it is doing nor what it has done.
An outstanding chapter is the contribution of
William R. Miller titled "Increasing Motivation for Change." Everyone
agrees that client motivation is a key issue in recovery. But there the
agreement stops. In the traditional view, motivation or the lack of it
("denial") is rooted in the alcoholic's character structure or
personality. Only when that structure is shattered by some disastrous
event ("hitting bottom") or when divine intervention removes its defects
can motivation to get sober emerge.
Yet in the past 30 years this paradigm has begun to
crack. Several findings contributed to undermine it. More alcoholics
became sober before landing in the gutter, and the idea arose that it
might be possible to "raise the bottom" by appropriate intervention. It
was also recognized that the alcoholic's social environment was
frequently intertwined with the problem, and that changes in the
environment produced changes in motivation. Another nail in the coffin
of the "character" paradigm of motivation was the accumulation of
negative findings concerning an "alcoholic personality." Finally,
studies comparing different treatment styles and personalities found
that some counselors were very effective in motivating clients to
complete treatment, whereas others "lost" a high proportion of their
patients. Studies showed that a small number of staff members in a given
center produced the great majority of patient dropouts. The evidence is
that patient motivation is not so much a factor of the patient's
personality as of the counselor's. The new approach to client motivation
is that patient motivation is not found but made. The therapist need not
wait for the drinker to "hit bottom" -- or, worse, encourage the
patient's descent. The therapist, according to Miller, has many tools
available to enhance the client's motivation, and a large part of the
professional's skill consists in using them effectively and in a timely
manner. Based on hundreds of research studies examining various
approaches to enhancing client motivation, Miller identifies six common
elements of an effective motivational toolkit. They are:
Personal feedback. Studies showed that drinkers who
were given live personal feedback about their drinking situation, even
very briefly, did significantly better than those who merely heard
lectures or saw films.
Personal responsibility. Because this is such an
important element in the self-help process I want to quote the author at
some length.
"A second common element in effective motivational
intervention is an emphasis on the client's personal responsibility and
freedom of choice. Rather than giving restrictive messages (You have to,
can't, must, etc.), the counselor acknowledges that ultimately it is up
to the client whether or not to change: 'No one can change your drinking
for you, or make you change. It's really up to you. You can choose to
keep on drinking as you have been. You can choose to make a change. Even
if I wanted to, I can't decide this for you.' In addition to being
therapeutic, this message is quite simply the truth. A therapist cannot
alter the client's ultimate personal responsibility and choice.
"Why is this message helpful in triggering change? A
strong and consistent finding in research on motivation is that people
are most likely to undertake and persist in an action when they perceive
that they have personally chosen to do so. One study, for example, found
that a particular alcohol treatment approach was more effective when a
client chose it from among alternatives than when it was assigned to the
client as his or her only option . […] Perceived freedom of choice also
appears to reduce client resistance and dropout [….] When clients are
told they have no choice, they tend to resist change. When their freedom
of choice is acknowledged, they are freed to choose change." (p. 93).
Advice. A simple and effective method is for the
treatment professional, typically a physician, to advise the patient to
act.
Real Choice. It is pointless for the therapist to
try to mobilize the client's personal responsibility unless there are
actually alternatives available for the client to choose from. The
counseling methods that work most effectively are those that offer a
real choice for the patient to make. The key is to get the client
"actively involved in choosing his or her own approach." (p. 94).
Empathy. Studies show that the most effective
counselors are those who maintain a client-centered approach. They are
felt to be warm, supportive, sympathetic and attentive. Counselors who
have these qualities are effective regardless of whether they are
themselves persons in recovery. By contrast, counselors with a
confrontational, harsh, or punitive style tend to score poorly in
long-term outcome studies.
Hope. Motivation ultimately depends on the client's
belief that improvement is possible, that is, on the ignition of hope.
Fear of negative consequences -- the mainstay of the traditional methods
-- is rarely sufficient. There must be a belief that it is within the
client's power to change.
Miller and his colleagues have attempted to assemble
these elements into a treatment program they call Motivational
Interviewing. The basic idea of this approach is to facilitate the
client's inner struggle between addiction and recovery and to empower
the client's own healthy resources. Toward that end, the counselor
encourages the client to select and to construct a personal treatment
plan, because research shows the unsurprising fact that "clients tend to
be more committed to a plan that they perceive as their own, addressing
personal concerns." (p. 95). "[R]esearch suggests that treatments chosen
by a client from among alternatives are more likely to be adhered to and
effective. The choice process increases the client's perception of
personal control and enhances motivation for compliance. … [I]ndividualized
strategies lead to increased positive outcomes." (p. 100). Indeed,
Miller goes so far as to say: "There is also reason to believe that
clients have wisdom about what is most likely to work for them."
An authoritarian approach by the therapist typically
backfires. Miller argues persuasively that client "denial" in the
treatment setting is unnecessary and is primarily the result of hapless
therapy.
A prominent example is the issue whether or not the
client must accept the label of "alcoholic." Treatment programs modeled
on the first step of Alcoholics Anonymous often begin with a power
struggle between client and therapist over acceptance of the "alcoholic"
label. Miller says that research finds no strong relationship between
self-labeling and outcome. "Many treatment failures are quite willing to
accept the label 'alcoholic,' and many people respond favorably to
treatment without ever calling themselves alcoholic." (p. 95). The
principal outcome of this traditional power struggle is the
counterproductive one of mobilizing the client's denial and entrenching
resistance. It would appear that the seeds of failure in the standard
model treatment program are frequently planted with the very first step.
Closely related to Miller's important chapter on
motivation is the chapter on Relapse Prevention by Linda Dimeff and G.
Alan Marlatt. This begins with the memorable words: "The most common
treatment outcome for alcoholics and addicts is relapse." (p. 176).
After everything that has been said before, this should not be
surprising. Since the standard paradigm of the treatment industry lacks
scientific validation and consists almost entirely of tools and
modalities that are demonstrably ineffective if not counterproductive,
it would be astonishing if the primary product of the process were
anything but failure.
The only dispute is about the magnitude of the
debacle. Relapse figures run from about two thirds at 90 days (p. 176)
to more than 90 per cent over longer periods (p. 92). The only
astonishing thing about these numbers is that there is not more of a
public outcry for reform of the industry.
I will not try to summarize the Dimeff/Marlatt
Relapse Prevention approach in any detail. The key theme is that clients
are most successful at avoiding relapse if they emerge from treatment
empowered and equipped to heal themselves, rather than dependent on some
outside contingency. In the authors' words, relapse prevention "is most
successful when the client confidently acts as his or her own therapist
following treatment." (p. 177). The client best avoids relapse when he
or she is viewed as the rightful agent of change. Client motivation,
largely a function of self-determination in choosing the treatment
methods, is key, as is equipping the client "with the necessary skills
to act as his or her own future therapist." (p. 178). The approach works
best when "tailored to the individual." (192).
There are a number of other chapters that explore
treatment alternatives to the standard paradigm. I will not take the
space to discuss them here. However, at some point the gist of these
chapters should be added to the LifeRing sobriety toolkit (Handbook of
Secular Recovery, Ch. IV) and made more widely available to our
readership.
What does the Hester/Miller Handbook teach us about
the place of the LifeRing S.R. approach in the spectrum of contemporary
treatment modalities?
First of all, the book validates the feeling that so
many of our members have had, that the standard 12-Step-based treatment
programs which they were forced to endure were ineffective at best and
counterproductive in many cases. So many who participate in our groups
report that they managed to stay sober despite their treatment program,
not because of it. The Hester/Miller book supplies evidence and
explanations to corroborate the private pain that many felt and still
feel from this experience.
Secondly, the publication of this book, and the
number and prominence of its contributors, is further evidence that the
ruling paradigm is eroding. The editors and authors include a number of
prominent and well-placed senior names in university, clinical and
government settings, as well as young graduate students joining the
ranks (see endnote). The book confirms what the experience of our
LifeRing Secular Recovery groups in the San Francisco Bay Area in the
past few years has demonstrated. More and more treatment programs exist
that really care about what works, that are open-minded, that allow
their methods to be influenced by scientific research, and that believe
in offering their clients a choice of support groups.
The third conclusion I draw from the Hester/Miller
Handbook is that the LifeRing S.R. approach to the central therapeutic
issues of recovery is a sound and forward-looking one.
Our own Handbook (Handbook of Secular Recovery,
LifeRing Press 1999) advocates an individualized, constructivist
approach that maximizes the recovering person's own motivation. We say
that each recovering alcoholic has the ability, with group support, to
develop a personalized recovery plan that works for that individual. We
say that each person has the wisdom to do this. We say that when people
develop their own recovery plans, they are more deeply committed to
their recovery. We say that when people are encouraged to act as their
own therapist, they can more readily modify their program to meet
contingencies and they will better resist relapse.
All of these points, which our own Handbook merely
asserts in the form of a manifesto, find corroboration in the
Hester/Miller Handbook. Published research with controlled trials
demonstrates that the cardinal therapeutic principles of the LifeRing
S.R. approach are valid and effective ones. Hester and Miller's
"enlightened eclecticism" is a good description of the principles of
choice and diversity of treatment tools that we so eminently embody.
Reid Hester is director of an alcoholism clinic and
a research associate professor at the University of New Mexico. William
R. Miller is professor of psychology and psychiatry at the University of
New Mexico. Among the contributing authors are prominent academics,
clinicians and treatment administrators, including Prof. David Abrams of
Brown University, John Allen, chief of the Treatment Research Branch of
the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, Ned Cooney,
director of the VA Medical Center in New Haven, Prof. Richard Frances,
the chair of the Council on Addiction Psychiatry of the American
Psychiatric Association, Richard K. Fuller, director of Research at the
National Institute of Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, Prof. G. Alan
Marlatt, director of the Addictive Behaviors Research Center at the
University of Washington, Prof. Sheldon I. Miller, chair of the
department of psychiatry at Northwestern University Medical School, Lisa
Rone, chief resident in psychiatry at Northwestern Memorial Hospital in
Chicago, and others.
Quotes from the book:
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The negative
correlation between scientific evidence and application in standard
practice could hardly be larger if one intentionally constructed
treatment programs from those approaches with the least evidence of
efficacy.
(p. 33)
There is no
tried and true, 'state-of-the-art' treatment of choice for alcohol
problems.
Rather, the state of the art is an array of empirically supported
treatment options.
(p. 9)
Controlled
studies of group or individual psychotherapy for alcohol problems have
yielded negative findings with remarkable consistency, often despite the
predictions of investigators [….]
Exploratory psychotherapies have accumulated one of the lowest
[efficacy scores] of any treatment modality.
(p. 27)
Confrontational
counseling styles have enjoyed particular popularity in U.S. alcoholism
treatment. Yet confrontational approaches have failed to yield a single
positive outcome study. (p.
27)
Although
Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) is widely recommended by U.S. treatment
programs, its efficacy has rarely been studied [….]
Only two controlled trials were found in which AA was studied as a
distinct alternative, both with offender populations required to attend
AA or other conditions, and both finding no beneficial effect.
(p. 31)
There are
literally hundreds of published instruments for use in assessing alcohol
problems. For most of these, even basic psychometric information is
lacking … (p. 68)
One's own
professional hunches about what works and what doesn't are well known to
be fallible. One outcome evaluation, for example, showed that a
'prevention' program, about which both teachers and students were highly
enthusiastic, actually increased students' use of drugs.
Though we would like to believe that it isn't so, 'therapeutic'
interventions similarly can be ineffective or even detrimental.
(p. 81)
Fifty years of
both psychological […] and longitudinal studies […] have failed to
reveal a consistent 'alcoholic personality.'
Attempts to derive a set of alcoholic psychometric personality subtypes
have yielded profiles similar to those found when subtyping a general
population […]. That is,
alcoholics appear to be as variable in personality as are nonalcoholics. Studies of character defense mechanisms among alcoholics
have yielded a similar picture.
Denial and other defense mechanisms have been found to be no more nor
less frequent among alcoholics than among people in general. […] There was simply no support for the view that alcoholics in
general come into treatment with a consistent set of personality traits
and defenses. (p. 90)
Lectures and
films about the detrimental effects of alcohol on people, in general,
seem to have little or no impact on drinking behavior, either in
treatment or in prevention settings.
Personal feedback of ways in which alcohol is harming the individual,
however, does seem to have a strong motivational effect.
(p. 93)
A
strong and consistent finding in research on motivation is that people
are most likely to undertake and persist in an action when they perceive
that they have personally chosen to do so.
One study, for example, found that a particular alcohol treatment
approach was more effective when a client chose it from among
alternatives than when it was assigned to the client as his or her only
option .
[…] Perceived
freedom of choice also appears to reduce client resistance and dropout
[….]
When clients are told they have no choice, they tend to resist
change. When their freedom
of choice is acknowledged, they are freed to choose change.
(p. 93).
There
is also reason to believe that clients have wisdom about what is most
likely to work for them.
(p. 100)
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This review appears under the title "Historical Roots and Antecedents
of the LifeRing Approach" in
Presenting LifeRing Secular Recovery: A Selection of Readings for
Treatment Professionals,"
LifeRing Press 2000.
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